Latin Gangs in Spain? Immigrant Youth Groups, Stigma and Symptoms
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doi:10.5477/cis/reis.148.61
Latin Gangs in Spain? Immigrant Youth Groups,
Stigma and Symptoms
¿Bandas latinas en España? Grupos juveniles de origen inmigrante,
estigmas y síntomas
Luca Giliberti
Key words Abstract
Latin Gang This article explores the criminalized social imaginaries of so-called
• Social Capital Latin gangs in Spain, dismantling stereotypes and proposing different
• Coro analysis approaches. The empirical material comes from an ethnogra-
• Stigma phy conducted between 2010 and 2011 in neighborhoods in the
• Nation suburbs of Barcelona. The main techniques used were document
• Symptom analysis, participant observation with various youth immigrant groups
and collection of data from oral sources with diferents types of infor-
mants. The results of the study discuss the social image of these
groups, which stigmatize young people that are involved in them and it
is symptom of segregated reception of immigration, increasingly in
times of economic crisis. We analyze the dynamics of violence concer-
ning these groups; at the same time, we interprete these groups as
circulation spaces of social capital and as forms of agency, that can
empower the members individually and collectively.
Palabras clave Resumen
Banda latina Este artículo explora los imaginarios sociales criminalizados que se han
• Capital social construido sobre las denominadas bandas latinas en España,
• Coro desmontando tópicos y proponiendo diferentes aproximaciones
• Estigma analíticas. El material empírico procede de una etnografía realizada
• Nación entre 2010 y 2011 en algunos barrios-suburbios de la periferia de
• Síntoma Barcelona. Las principales técnicas utilizadas han sido el análisis
documental, la observación participante con diversos grupos juveniles y
la recogida de fuentes orales con diferentes tipos de informantes. Los
resultados del estudio discuten la imagen social de estos grupos, que
estigmatiza a los jóvenes en ellos inmersos y es síntoma de la acogida
segregadora de la inmigración, cada vez más con la crisis. Se analizan
las dinámicas de la violencia vinculadas con estos colectivos; al mismo
tiempo, se interpretan los grupos como espacios de circulación de
capital social y como formas de agencia, que pueden empoderar a sus
miembros a nivel individual y colectivo.
Citation
Giliberti, Luca (2014). “Latin Gangs in Spain? Immigrant Youth Groups, Stigma and Symptoms”.
Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas, 148: 61-78.
(http://dx.doi.org/10.5477/cis/reis.148.61)
Luca Giliberti: U
niversitat de Lleida | lucagiliberti@geosoc.udl.cat
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 148, October - December 2014, pp. 61-7862 Latin gangs in Spain? Immigrant youth groups, stigma and symptoms
Introduction1 Bourdieu’s terminology. According to the so-
ciologist, Luca Queirolo Palmas (2012),
analysing the ten year period from 2002 to
Establishment of a conflictive group from Latin 2012, four discursive modalities can be
America: Dangerous youth gang puts Barcelona found in the media’s characterization of the
police on alert (El Periódico de Cataluña, title of presence of these young people in Spanish
the article Topic of the day, 10/9/2003, p.2 and 3). society: a) the barbarian discourse; b) the le-
galization discourse; c) the illegalization dis-
The media and Spanish society in general course and d) the discourse of the forgotten.
discovered the phenomenon of Latin gangs The first discourse raises the image of mons-
in 2002-03, coinciding with a major increase trosity and danger in this barbarian presence,
in immigration to Spain from countries outsi- child of immigration, through a process that
de the EU and, above all, with processes of Canelles (2008), following Stanley Cohen
family reunification. From the beginning, the- (2002), defined as moral panic. The second
se groups were baptised as criminal gangs, discourse presents the possibility for the sal-
based on crime reports supposedly linked to vation and social recovery of this presence
them and a tendency to stigmatize their ap- (Lahosa, 2008b), through their conversion
pearance and cultural practices (Feixa et al., into socio-cultural associations with institu-
2006; Canelles, 2008; Lahosa, 2008a and tionally recognized statutes, which began to
2008b). Thus, the concept of the Latin gang happen in Barcelona but did not consolidate.
was formed: first, as a metonymic signifier2 In contrast, the third discourse raises the
of youth violence and secondly, and simulta- need for defining these groups as illicit. It su-
neously, as a metonymic signifier of groups ggests practices of de-addiction of mem-
of adolescent children of immigrants (Recio bers; that is, promoting their exit and sepa-
and Cerbino, 2006; Porzio and Giliberti, ration from these groups, and has been
2009; Giliberti, 2011). In this way, a direct as- applied in particular in the Madrid model, but
sociation was made between violence and ultimately throughout Spain as well (Cane-
criminality and subaltern youth of Latin Ame- lles, 2006; Scandroglio and López, 2008;
rican origin (Feixa and Canelles, 2006; Feixa Scandroglio, 2009). The fourth, which is the
et al., 2008; Giliberti, 2013). current discourse, has made these groups
invisible and ignores their presence in the
The media has undoubtedly contributed
midst of an economic and social crisis that
to constructing a language framework and
has created even more precariousness and
discourse characterizing the field, to use
subalternity.
The media narrative on gangs encapsula-
1 The present article forms part of the doctoral thesis of
tes a dangerous image for new subjects of
the author, carried out in the department of Geography immigrant origin living in urban spaces, lin-
and Sociology of the University of Lleida (GESEC-Terri- king them to a supposedly defining ethnicity,
tory and Society Research Group) and financed by sup-
port from FPU AP2008-01092 (University Faculty Trai-
Latino. This designation may be considered
ning) of the Ministry of Education, Science and Sport the result of ethnogenesis (Feixa et al., 2006);
(MECD). that is, the creation of a new transnational
2 Metonymy is a figure of speech in which a thing or a youth identity that is constructed in the recei-
concept is designated with the name of another, using
an existing semantic relationship or one that is created ving society by the children of Latin American
between the two. Thus, metonymy permits the definition immigrants and which moves in globalized
of a part of a reality referring to the whole, alluding to scenarios. At the level of institutional, media
a particular aspect of the matter assuming that it repre-
sents its general nature, indicating the cause by the and popular discourse, certain nation states,
effect. such as the Dominican Republic, Ecuador
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 148, October - December 2014, pp. 61-78Luca Giliberti 63
and Colombia, are considered the main ex- particular the more vulnerable youth groups.
porters of these groups. In other words, ac- This article aims to reveal the stigma that this
cording to this narrative, the groups are the generation of young people suffers and to
children of their countries of origin and are propose a different reading of the groups in
presented as imported models of group vio- question.
lence (Botello and Moya, 2006). Such an ima-
ge is far from the social reality of these
groups, which is constructed in the receiving Research methodology
society in generational terms in the era of
globalization. In addition, it is interesting to As this is a stigmatized population and, for
realize that the phenomenon of street youth obvious reasons, difficult to access —which
groups is not new in Spain. Indeed, during we can include within the category of hidden
the 1960s and 70s it was normal to find them populations— it is appropriate to take an eth-
—linked to the imaginary of the quinquis— in nographic approach. Ethnography is a type
Spanish cities and their metropolitan areas of social research, which through close, di-
(Lahosa, 2008a and 2008b). Then during the rect and prolonged interaction with the re-
1980s and 90s the category of Urban Tribes search contexts and subjects, aims to carry
became widespread as a way of identifying out a thick description of the social reality
autochthonous youth groups, the rebellious being studied (Geertz, 1992). In addition, as
children of the middle classes (Feixa and pointed out by Elisabeth Lorenzi (2010: 152),
Porzio, 2004; Queirolo Palmas, 2012). “the ethnographic method differs from other
methodologies by the involvement of the re-
Regarding the social imaginary, at the be-
searcher with who he/she is studying”. This
ginning of this century, the relationship bet-
approach is particularly apt as it makes it
ween violent youth groups and Latin Ameri-
possible for subjects to open up, because a
can immigration was consolidated. Thus,
relationship is built with them within a con-
gang members were identified with a certain
text of mutual trust; at the same time, the
type of young person, with characteristics
prolonged and intense time spent with the
defined by a certain aesthetic, oversized
subjects provides a deep and reliable
clothing, a certain tendency toward gangsta
knowledge, which is able to dismantle the
style and with a lower class sociocultural
stereotypes that exist about these youth
profile (Benasso and Bonini, 2009; Porzio,
groups.
2012).
The author has spent hundreds of hours
and participated in many different activities
If we are referring to the current situation, there are
with various members of different and recog-
some characteristics that confer a clearly distinct
dimension on gangs, especially regarding social
nized youth organizations (Black Panthers,
perceptions: current youth gangs, or better said,
the Menores, Latin Kings, Ñetas), and also
what is today identified as the gang phenomenon
with more informal groups with less recogni-
par excellence in Spain, are identified by their eth-
zed names (Los Kitasellos, Las Desakatas
nic identification. Hence, we are talking about
Black 69). The author came to know mem-
what are known as Latin gangs. These gangs are
bers of these groups through the field work3
the centre of attention of the population, the media he carried out in four secondary schools (two
and the system of control (Lahosa, 2008a: 47).
Latin gangs may be considered as meta- 3 The fieldwork is part of the author’s doctoral study on
the construction of identities, racial representations and
phors for the stigmatization and criminaliza- school failure among Dominican youth in the peripheral
tion of certain groups of immigrant origin, in areas of Barcelona.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 148, October - December 2014, pp. 61-7864 Latin gangs in Spain? Immigrant youth groups, stigma and symptoms
public and two publicly subsidized private and by his collaboration as an expert with
schools) in the suburban neighbourhoods of municipal government.6
La Torrassa, La Florida and Pubilla Cases in The ethnography was based on the use
L’Hospitalet de Llobregat, a city neighbou- of different techniques, and the ethnographic
ring Barcelona.4 In the schools studied, there materials have been analysed continuously.
is a significant presence of these groups and Thus, the research was flexible and dynamic,
the construction of direct relationships with taking into account the evidence gathered at
the students and the desire to know their each moment as a guide to orient the steps
worlds opened up the possibility of getting to that would follow. This approach gathered
know these groups. information and data, which was triangulated
The neighbourhoods where the fieldwork and contrasted until reaching saturation
was carried out —which could be considered (Agar, 1992). The main techniques have been
as banlieues of Barcelona— are characteri- document analysis, participant observation
zed by elements typical of peripheral wor- and collection from oral sources. Regarding
king class areas. In addition, they stand out document analysis, we have tried to collect
for having undergone a demographic trans- archival, statistical, academic, associational
formation in the past fifteen years, with the and police information available on the sub-
replacement of a majority immigrant popula- ject in different formats.
tion from the south of Spain (arriving Regarding participant observation
throughout the 20th century) with an immi- (Greenwood, 2000; Lorenzi, 2010), a prolon-
grant population from outside the EU and ged process involving spending time with the
primarily from the southern hemisphere. The groups was carried out, participating in diffe-
ethnographic material was collected in 2010 rent activities and different moments in their
and 2011, and focused particularly on the daily lives, as well as observing them in the
construction of identities among Dominican context of their lives in school. Through va-
youth. In addition, the text has also been en- rious techniques for gathering information
riched by the knowledge the author develo- from oral sources- life stories (Ferrarotti,
ped in previous research projects on youth 1981), semi-structured interviews (Hammer
organizations and Latin American migrations, and Wildavsky, 1990) and focus groups
which he participated in from 2006 to 20105 (Krueger, 1994) - applied according to the
type of interlocutor, we have listened to the
testimonies of 85 informants: a) 25 life stories
4 L’Hospitalet de Llobregat, a part of the Barcelona me- of young people, 15 from members of youth
tropolitan area, is the second largest city in Catalonia
(256,065 inhabitants, INE, 2012). Persons of immigrant groups; b) 40 semi-structured interviews with
origin in the city make up approximately 22.5% of the professionals in education (teachers, princi-
total population, reaching around 35% in the neighbou-
rhoods studied.
pals, janitors and other staff); c) semi-struc-
5 The projects in question are the following: a) 2006:
tured interviews and focus groups with 10
Proyecto I+D-MECD ¿Reyes y reinas latinos? Identida-
des culturales de los jóvenes de origen latinoamericano
en España, IP: Carles Feixa (SEJ2005-09333-C02-02/
SOCI); b) 2007: Les Organitzacions Juvenils Llatinoame- mericans a Catalunya. La mirada des dels municipis,
ricanes a Catalunya. ARAI-AGAUR, IP: Oriol Romaní Diputació de Barcelona, IP: Laura Porzio.
(2006-ARAI-00030); c) 2006-2009: Proyecto europeo del 6 The author actively participated as an expert and mem-
6º PM TRESEGY (CIT5-CT-2006-029105), IP: Luca Quei- ber of the working group, Espacios compartidos entre
rolo Palmas (Universitá di Genova); IP UdL: Fidel Molina; técnicos, agentes educativos y agentes sociales - Estra-
d) 2008: Els joves migrants a L’Hospitalet de Llobregat. tegias de acciones socioeducativas para el abordaje de
Estils i cultures en escenaris urbans, Ayuntamiento de los grupos juveniles, organized by the Oficina Técnica
L’Hospitalet, IP: Laura Porzio; e) 2009-2010: Escenaris Plans d’Acció territorial La Florida-Pubilla Casas
urbans, adscripció identitaria i estils: els joves llatinoa- (L’Hospitalet de llobregat) during 2010-11.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 148, October - December 2014, pp. 61-78Luca Giliberti 65
other professionals who work with young ring this part of the work, observation was
people (youth counsellors, educators in pu- transformed into participation and using the
blic spaces, police,etc.); d) focus groups with terminology of Lorenzi (2010), the practice of
10 relatives of the subjects (mothers/fathers, participant observation transformed into ob-
sisters/brothers, grandmothers). servant participation. As Davydd Greenwood
One line of work within ethnographic (2000) noted, participation is a way of acqui-
research has been action research. Action ring knowledge; the video workshop, beyond
research, based on Lewin’s theories (1982), being an interesting research and observa-
aims to construct knowledge that also aspi- tion method on the imaginaries and dyna-
res toward social transformation. To accom- mics of the socialization of young people, is
plish this, the active participation of the sub- an experience that can positively influence
jects being studied is required (Cannarella youth groups by promoting reflection on their
and Mei, 2009). What is proposed is a re- practices, values and their ways of represen-
search process that involves the subjects, tation.8
that is close to them, that takes into account
their goals and that can in this way guide the
research. The present ethnography has Theoretical discussion: from
adopted the forms of action research when, gangs to nations and coros
beyond interpretation and knowledge about
The sociologist Noemí Canelles (2008), in her
the world of these young people, it has at-
analysis on the social construction of the La-
tempted to act on the terrain of social trans-
tin gangs in Barcelona, expresses the idea
formation: “to be open to civil society for the
that these groups should be considered
sociologist means to address all these pu-
symptoms, in at least two different senses:
blics (the poor, criminals, the sick, single wo-
men, minority ethnic groups) who are victims
of neo-liberalism, not to control them, but to Gangs are symptoms in two senses: the first is the
increase their power of self-determination” more general notion, as an indicator of a situation;
(Padovan, 2007: 5). Thus, this is a public so- in this sense, the emergence of gangs permits the
ciology, using the expression of Burawoy expression of different conflicts related to the su-
(2005), or an involved anthropology, using bordinant position of certain groups in the society:
the formula of Oriol Romaní (2006). In any youth, immigrants, working class or those exclu-
case, we are talking about a social science ded from the labour market, symbolically margina-
that is interested in dismantling stereotypes, lized, etc. (…). The second, which is evidence of
deconstructing prejudices and supporting the idea of symptom, is that talk about gangs also
social justice, as well as participating in pro- says a lot about who is talking about them; the
cesses of empowerment of subaltern and qualification gang involves a simplification of rea-
stigmatized populations.
In this framework, we organized video
Hakim (Open University of Catalonia). In the following
workshops with two youth groups and other link, you can see “making of” with the Kitasellos during
young people, collaborating with them in wri- one of the videos entitled, “Cosas que pasan”: http://
ting scripts and in making short films.7 Du- www.youtube.com/watch?v=g27tWLRj9fY
8 We want to point out in this sense the value of the
recent European project, Yougang, (http://www.yougan-
gproject.com/), directed by the sociologist Luca Quei-
7 The screenplay writing and video workshops took rolo Palmas, dedicated to the study of policies on gangs
place in 2010 and 2011 in the offices of the Fundació in Barcelona and Madrid, which involved a video and
Akwaba and in public spaces with the groups, Menores theatre workshop with young gang members from diffe-
and Kitasellos, of L’Hospitalet. The workshops were car- rent groups, led by the film director José González and
ried out with the collaboration of the sociologist, Nadia the theatre director Carolina Torres.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 148, October - December 2014, pp. 61-7866 Latin gangs in Spain? Immigrant youth groups, stigma and symptoms
lity and as a result expresses a lot about who Klein and the Eurogang network9 (Klein,
makes this qualification. Thus, the fact that the 1995; Knox, 2000; Van Gemert et al., 2008):
presence of Latin American youth in Barcelona is “A street gang (or a troublesome youth group
constructed in relation to gangs, emerges as a corresponding to a street gang elsewhere) is
symptom of underlying conflicts in Catalan socie- any durable, street-oriented youth group
ty (Canelles, 2008: 96). whose own identity includes involvement in
illegal activity” (Klein et al., 2006: 418). This
Based on this interpretation, these groups definition is far from that found in the classic
express conflicts related to their subordinate studies of Thrasher (1963) and Whyte (1943),
carried out within the framework of the Chi-
social situation as youth, immigrants, wor-
cago school, that defined a “gang” as a dy-
king class or excluded form the labour mar-
namic cultural formation in a context of ex-
ket. In short, these conflicts are related to
clusion and social transformation. In the
what Albert Cohen (1955), in his classic study
vision of “gang” developed within the fra-
on youth gangs in the United states, defined mework of the Chicago school, conflict is a
as status deprivation. At the same time, these crucial element, but crime remains a possibi-
groups are symptoms of the way in which the lity, a contingency, that in no way permeates
receiving society reads the subaltern pre- the structure and daily organization of the
sence of persons of immigrant origin, a rea- group. In contrast, in the Eurogang definition,
ding that is tainted by the simplification of which is currently the most utilized and also
reality, stereotyping, and discrimination. The- in tune with non-academic public discourse
se groups perfectly express the intuition of on the subject (Kazyrytsky, 2008), crime is
Balibar (1991), according to which in the new the key element of belonging and forms what
post-colonial society, immigrants represent some authors define as a pathologizing vi-
the new name for race. Thus, a colour line is sion of gangs (Brotherton and Barrios, 2004;
constructed around these groups that divi- Cerbino and Barrios, 2008; Queirolo Palmas,
des an us from an other, with the blame on 2009; Brotherton, 2011). These same authors
replace the concept of gang with that of
others, who are gangs, and the self-absolu-
street organization, defined as:
tion of us, the receiving society. As the
anthropologist from the United States, Con-
A group formed largely by youth and adults of a
quergood, highlighted:
marginalized social class which aims to provide its
members with a resistant identity, an opportunity to
The term “gang” has become one of the ultimate be individually and collectively empowered, a voice
devil terms of contemporary society, deployed to to speak back to and challenge the dominant cul-
gloss and condense enormous diversity and com- ture, a refuge from the stresses and strains of barrio
plexity of experience into one fetishized image of or ghetto life, and a spiritual enclave within which
mindless mayhem and evil. The “gang” powerfully its own sacred rituals can be generated and practi-
cathects and projects middle-class fears and anxie- ced. (Brotherton and Barrios, 2004: 23).
ties about social disorder, disintegration and chaos
that are made palpable in these demonized figures Gang talk is constructed as garrulous
of inscrutable, unproductive, predatory, pathological, discourse (Hallsworth and Young, 2008) that
alien Others... (Conquergood, 1994: 216).
The “gang” label, mostly used to refer to 9 Eurogang is network of North American and European
researchers (sociologists, criminologists, psychologists,
these groups in the media, is inspired by the etc.) who study youth gangs, led and inspired by Klein
Anglo-Saxon concept used by Malcolm W. and others.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 148, October - December 2014, pp. 61-78Luca Giliberti 67
establishes etic representations of gangs, est. The Latin Kings, for example, are a na-
which are opposed to their representations tion for its members and at the same time, a
from an emic point of view (gang represen- metaphor of other nations —their countries/
tations)- in other words, their own perspec- nations of origin— that loom large in the lives
tive. Thus, the members of these sociability of these marginalized subjects because of
groups never use the term gangs to repre- their absence (Cerbino and Barrios, 2008).
sent themselves, but rather, it is the meton- The youth group is transformed into a nation,
ymic signifier of these realities that the me- something these young people have always
dia has fostered. The most widely used felt excluded from, both in terms of their na-
terms by members of the groups to refer to tions of origin as well as, and possibly more
their organizations are the concepts of na- so, from their nation of reception (Cerbino
tion (Cerbino and Barrios, 2008; Cerbino and Rodríguez, 2010).
and Rodríguez, 2010) and coro (Giliberti, Many studies have in recent years insis-
2012 and 2013). ted on the transnational dimension of these
The concept of nation responds to the groups (Cerbino and Barrios, 2008; Queirolo
classic tradition of the imagined community Palmas, 2010; Brotherton, 2011) and have
(Anderson, 1991), above all when the groups reconstructed the concrete globalized trajec-
have a transnational component; as we will tories of certain nations —the Latin Kings,
see, this is not characteristic of all the groups especially. Referring to this transnational di-
who, in terms of the media and from a crimi- mension and paraphrasing Gillroy, the socio-
nological perspective, fall under the defini- logist Luca Querolo Palmas (2010) writes
tion of Latin gangs. The nation is an imagined about the birth of a Latin Atlantic:
community in the sense that, although no
one knows all of the other participants di- A space within which memories and resistances,
rectly, the community gives meaning to ever- cultural projects and migrant bodies, deportees
yone: “in the mind of each lives the image of and pioneers, musical genres, such as reggaeton,
their communion” (Anderson, 1991: 6). There translations of foundational texts (philosophies
are groups with much more formalised prac- and literatures, Bibles and constitutions depen-
tices than others. Some groups have rites of ding on the language used by the members of the
passage, such as the Latin Kings, where to gangs), routes, travel opportunities and gatherings
become an official member one has to pass all circulate. This Latin Atlantic is formed, thus,
through different stages of participation: ob- around an infrastructure, that is, a totality of op-
servation, probation, king (Broterthon and portunities and practices of a youth-based trans-
Barrios, 2004; Cannarella et al., 2007; Roma- nationalism (Queirolo Palmas, 2010: 8).
ní et al. 2009; Bugli and Conte, 2010). In rea-
lity, as noted by Cerbino and Rodríguez Thus, it is understood that membership in
(2010), there is a collective imaginary in these one of these groups is constructed as an at-
groups because an imagined collective has tribution of identity and belonging, discon-
been constructed. nected from both society of origin and desti-
The classic reflection of Ernest Renan nation, and taking shape like transnational
(1882) on the nation defined it as a belief, an logos that move in a glocal space, fluctuating
imagined and constructed plebiscite that is and imitated icons —like McDonald’s or
distinguished by a shared history and an in- Nike— provided in franchises to groups
terest in exalting the belonged to community. seeking visibility (Queirolo Palmas, 2010;
The youth nations that are analysed here re- Feixa y Romaní, 2010). In this regard, it is not
flect Renan’s definition and for this reason, surprising to find in the same local context
how they define themselves is of great inter- different groups —and perhaps in conflict
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 148, October - December 2014, pp. 61-7868 Latin gangs in Spain? Immigrant youth groups, stigma and symptoms
with each other— claiming ownership and prising that the autochthnous youth who
official status over the name in question. In form part of these groups are mainly from the
the metropolitan area of Barcelona, there are lower classes, children of immigrants from
approximately 10 different groups —orga- the interior of Spain. The results of the pre-
nized in chapters10— that claim the name sent study also reveal the regular presence of
Latin Kings or Ñetas. members from various non-Latin American
The coro, the name used mainly by youth nationalities (Ukrainian, Moroccan, Pakistani,
of Dominican origin in Spain, is a group that etc.) —between 10 and 20% depending on
normally does not have transnational con- the group— who also share social marginali-
nections, properly speaking; that is, the coro zation and exclusion. It is common for the
only exists in one place, in this case, the groups to have a dominant national majority,
country of reception, although these young which is different in each case. Indeed, natio-
people participate equally in the construction nal origin is an important vehicle of socializa-
of the Latin Atlantic through their contacts tion in an ethnically stratified society (Pedre-
and relationships in their countries of origin ño and Hernández, 2005), where the
and with friends who have emigrated to oth- dominant values of the nation are key ele-
er places. In any case, the coro is differenti- ments in the education of these young peo-
ated from the nation by not having such ple. The members of the Latin Kings and the
strong connections to identity and by primar- Ñetas are mostly Ecuadorians, while the
ily having the recreational and local aspects Black Panthers, los Menores and los Trinita-
of a group of friends. In an emic definition: rios are made up mainly of Dominicans,
although it is possible to find members of any
nationality in any group.
A coro is a group of people that is together, we talk
with each other, understand each other, party to- According to police sources, around
gether and we don’t like problems…a coro has a 2,480 young people form part of these
name also, that the members recognize each groups in Catalonia (El País, 2 February
other by…not to fight with anyone…The coro is to 2013). Assuming that all of the members are
have fun…you enter and leave when you want… Latinos —which as we have seen is not
we also help each other, if someone gets a fine in true— this number would represent approxi-
the metro, we all pay it… (Leandro11, member of mately 2.5% of the residents in the 15-29
Los Menores, 18 years old, 9 years living in year old age group. Evidently, this data only
L’Hospitalet). includes the groups that have had some en-
counter with the police, without taking into
account all of the other youth groups, which,
in terms of cultural practices are very similar,
The excluded generation and equally stigmatized in their social lives.
All these groups are formed primarily
The groups studied are not only made up of
around masculine experiences, as they are
young people from Latin America, although
made up mainly of males. Both in the nations
they do represent the majority. Indeed,
and the coros, there is a female presence,
among the groups studied between 5% and
although there are always fewer girls than
10% are autochthonous youth. It is not sur-
boys, with girls reaching a maximum of 30%
in the mixed groups studied. It is common to
see girls involved in some groups at certain
10In most cases, these youth nations are divided into
chapters, which would be local membership groups. periods of time but without being members,
11The names of the informants have been changed to but rather friends and girlfriends of members.
guarantee anonymity. As David Brotherton noted (2010), girls do
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 148, October - December 2014, pp. 61-78Luca Giliberti 69
not belong to the organizations for the same share the fact of having been born and live in
reasons as male members, nor do they par- a specific place and historical moment, and
ticipate in the same practices. There are co- at the same time —a factor of primary impor-
ros that are made up of girls, such as the tance— certain significant sociological cha-
Desakatas Black 69 (Giliberti, 2013), groups racteristics. Mannheim spoke about genera-
that share the public space with male groups, tional location and generational units, that is,
in the majority of cases embodying a sexy segments in which the historical moment and
imaginary of a sex object. material, social and cultural conditions of
One practice that clearly characterizes existence come together. The generational
this population is the use of Internet and so- event that marks these groups is the reduc-
cial networks, which in Catalonia have beco- tion and the stigmatization of lower-class
me widespread among the children of immi- youth to the condition of immigrant, consti-
grants. 12 These spaces, in particular tuting in post-colonial society the new name
Facebook, are so present in the lives of these for race (Balibar, 1991).
young people that they cannot imagine them It has emerged from the findings of this
without their presence; it is as if there is a study, that belonging to these groups largely
permanent connection between the virtual remains hidden because recognition may re-
world and real world. Thanks to the possibi- sult in exclusion from school as well as from
lities offered by this technological platform public facilities. The synergy between, on the
and the way these young people use it, in right, police forces, and on the left, the social
Facebook they can come together in a sha- services and educational institutions of the
red virtual space. In this regard, “Facebook central and autonomous governments, has
can be interpreted as a third space in which recently crystallized in the city of Barcelona
elements of local culture, place of origin and in the detection of group members and the
global culture are articulated” (Hakim, 2014: accumulation of files on members to be dealt
17). The events and developments within the with. However, detection is resisted in
groups, of whatever type, are on social net- schools —especially to avoid their stigmati-
works, providing them with legitimacy. zation and the consequent reduction in their
Regarding the children of these third spa- social desirability as educational institu-
ces, created around globalized identities that tions— and in many cases programs of as-
belong to neither origin nor destination, these sistance are not promoted. In any case, it is
groups of lower class immigrant youth form not surprising that the majority of the mem-
a generation from the first decade of this bers of these groups hide their membership
century and of a Spain in crisis. Belonging to because they recognize that it could result in
a particular social class with a certain level of sanctions and social limitations.
access to resources, which corresponds to a School regulations on occasion prohibit
certain typology in the migratory process, the presence of certain aesthetic styles that
has an influence on the generation these symbolize the presence of gangs: “it is prohi-
young people belong to. According to the bited to wear hats, scarves on the head or tied
classic study of Mannheim (1952) generation on arms or legs because they may be confu-
is understood to be a group of people who sed with the symbols of certain juvenile street
groups (High school dress code, L’Hospitalet
de Llobregat, 2010-2011). In February of
12 According to IDESCAT (2011) data, 95.4% of young 2011, another secondary school in the Metro-
people between 16 and 24 years of age are regularly politan area of Barcelona won the City of Bar-
connected to the Internet in Catalonia, regularly unders-
tood to mean at least once a week during the past three celona 2010 educational prize with the pro-
months. ject: Gangs out!. As the very title indicates, the
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 148, October - December 2014, pp. 61-7870 Latin gangs in Spain? Immigrant youth groups, stigma and symptoms
aim of the project was to distance young peo- accompanied by an action research study
ple from the bad influence of the so-called (Feixa et al., 2006; Feixa and Canelles 2006;
Latin gangs, stigmatizing these groups Feixa et al., 2011). What resulted was a pro-
without initiating any process of recognition, cess of dialogue between the two mentioned
inclusion or social commitment. The crimina- groups —the first to plant their flags in Cata-
lization and exclusion of these groups in lonia— and local institutions, in a pact that
schools and public facilities is in conflict with recognized them as legitimate youth groups
the politically correct, inter-cultural rhetoric of in exchange for renouncing street violence,
official discourse, which is used in the same potential delinquent attitudes and officially
schools that used the rhetoric of Gangs out! forming socio-cultural organizations. In any
(Queirolo Palmas, 2012). case, this process of dialogue and recogni-
Thus, it is not surprising that when the tion —which was overly focused on the for-
leader of one of the groups analysed —Los mal aspect of association according to Ca-
talan law— involved only a minority of the
Menores— writes in his school newspaper
young people in the groups in question and
about these groups —clearly without indica-
was not carried out with other groups that
ting his membership— he does so arguing
had emerged in Catalonia in recent years
the existence of an unbridgeable distance
(Black Panthers, Bloods, Trinitarios, Los Me-
between the institutions and these young
nores, etc.). The process of forming socio-
people:
cultural organizations —although it helped
generate public reflection on the phenome-
Most people say that gangs are violent, but some- non— does not seem to have had significant
times they are wrong. These groups in fact don’t impact on models of intervention, which in
exist just to fight or steal, instead, their objective is general, continue to stigmatize these groups
to help each other. Many boys enter these groups as violent and criminal both in public space
to be recognized, appreciated and because they and in the schools (Porzio and Giliberti,
like to spend time on the street and to have girl- 2009). In other places in Spain, such as Ma-
friends. In fact, being part of a gang means being drid, from the time they appeared, govern-
popular and attractive. The police think that all the ment has continued seeing these groups as
gangs are conflictive but sometimes they don’t illegal associations, without the existence of
know the reality of these kids; it’s the same with the any other type of discourse (Scandroglio and
teachers and other educators. If these professio- López, 2008 y 2010; Scandroglio, 2009;
nals knew more about the reality of these young Feixa et al., 2011).
people, there would be fewer stereotypes about
Paradoxically, the only spaces that ac-
youth groups and fewer conflicts on the street (LM, cept the presence and meetings of these
Las pandillas, School magazine, LH, 2011). groups today are certain churches, which, as
a result, have occasionally faced tensions in
Between 2005 and 2007 the municipal their communities and with church hierarchy.
government of Barcelona promoted a pro- In these cases, the young people in question
cess for groups such as the Latin Kings and develop a relationship to the church, where
the Ñetas to be constituted as cultural orga- they have found a space and a relationship
nizations to be recognized by the Catalan with the priest, considering him a spiritual
public administration.13 This process was
istered as an association in Catalonia. In February of
13 In July of 2006, the Organización Cultural de Reyes y 2007, the Asociación Deportiva, Socio-Cultural y Musical
Reinas Latinos de Cataluña [Cultural Organization of the Ñeta [Ñeta Sport, Sociocultural and Music Association]
Latin Kings and Queens of Catalonia] was officially reg- was formed.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 148, October - December 2014, pp. 61-78Luca Giliberti 71
guide for the group. In a time of growing dis- for popularity in a specific territorial context
tance between autochthonous youth and of socialization, or by specific conflicts bet-
religion, these young people represent po- ween members, which are subsequently
tential clients the church would otherwise not channelled into the identitary logic of the
have. To conclude this section, it is clear that groups. In this sense, violence is at the ser-
for a more effective management of the phe- vice of the construction of a group identity
nomenon of Latin gangs, it is necessary to (Domínguez et al., 1998). In any case, some
change the discourse and imaginaries so of the young people interviewed explained
that schools stop stigmatizing members of that turning to physical violence (“a fist-
these groups and governments accept them fight”) to resolve conflicts is a question of
in public spaces open to all citizens. mentality and attitude, based on values, and
is an issue that goes beyond belonging to
specific youth groups.
Violence in the groups
To solve problems, right, the only way…the first
Without denying the violent or illegal practi-
way that comes out is fighting…Even I, and I’m not
ces of these groups, which have increased
with any group, also have this mentality…I am on
with the crisis and social cutbacks, it is un-
the street and if someone looks at me wrong or
deniable that these groups originated with
something with my girlfriend, the first one to react
aims other than criminality and that they have
is me…(Cristopher, 18, Dominican, 5 years living
suffered from stigmatization (Feixa et al.,
in L’Hospitalet).
2008; Giliberti, 2011). According to the Mos-
sos d’Esquadra (Catalonian regional police),
Violence in certain socio-cultural contexts
the crime carried out by these organizations
is triggered by relational situations in social
in 2010 represented only 0.18% of the total
life. Conflicts over girls between two boys,
of criminal offences reported in that year in
do not start out as conflicts between youth
Catalonia (Mossos d’Esquadra, press relea-
gangs, but can easily become so (Porzio and
se, 22/11/2011): this figure alone raises
Giliberti, 2009). A member of the Latin Kings
questions regarding construction of these
and a member of the Black Panthers who
groups as criminal.
decide to fight over the same girl do not do
Indeed, the violence of these groups is so in the name of their respective organiza-
not linked to any large criminal network (tra- tions; rather, this is a conflict closely linked to
fficking and selling of drugs, money launde- the hegemonic values of masculinity and
ring, arms sales, prostitution, etc.) but rather, resolved through violence, a dynamic parti-
it is manifested as language to affirm the su- cularly present in the logic of the street (Cer-
periority of one group over another. In this bino, 2006).
sense, violence is a language and an alpha- It is not that the groups are violent in
bet that serves as a means of seeking res- themselves, but that they are channels for a
pect (Bourgeois, 2010). In other words, the latent violence that can emerge. As being
use of violence by these young people is a young in Spain does not mean the same
response —transfigured into a war among thing as it does in the Dominican Republic or
equals, the poor and stigmatized— to the in Ecuador, it is not the same to be a member
social inequalities, socioeconomic oppres- of a street youth organization in one place or
sion and legal and symbolic inferiority they another (Porzio and Giliberti, 2009). Thus,
suffer (Lagomarsino, 2009b). just as they channel violence, they also chan-
The rivalry that can develop between di- nel positive values, such as those of mutual
fferent groups is generally created by desires support, solidarity and collective growth.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 148, October - December 2014, pp. 61-7872 Latin gangs in Spain? Immigrant youth groups, stigma and symptoms
When I first got here, I didn’t know anyone, and I ticipation offered to members is their im-
felt really alone; I didn’t know what to do…so I mersion within a youthful fraternity that pro-
went to a Protestant church here in L’Hospitalet, tects them and offers them emotional
but as I didn’t feel that great in that group, the support.
Catalans were very cold…there weren’t any Domi- These aspects seem to also be recognized
nicans in the church. They accepted me, but they by others, such as certain professionals and
weren’t warm to me; at least I didn’t feel like they other young people who are not members.
were…afterwards I met the Dominican chamaqui-
tos here in the Plaza, we started to talk, get to
There is no doubt that within these gangs they
know each other well and then we decided to start
support and stand beside each other…maybe la-
the group, the Kitasellos, and doing things we
ter this feeling of brotherhood is not channelled
were interested in…we met every day in the plaza,
well, but there is clearly solidarity and love among
hanging out with each other, with the girls and
them…they also feel recognized and appreciated
doing our thing…(Julián, member of the Kitasellos,
by the group, that are like a family…(Dolores, so-
20, Dominican, has lived 3 years in L’Hospitalet).
cial integration counsellor, public centre/school).
You can see that the people in gangs love each
The empirical material from this study
other a lot and that they’ll do anything for each
provides numerous statements from mem-
other…they are like brothers that support each
bers of street groups who refer to their
other…(Antonio, Spanish, 16, son of immigrant fa-
groups as spaces for the inclusion of the ex-
mily from Andalusia in L’Hospitalet de Llobregat).
cluded. Moreover, various members state
that the organization could keep its members
The members of the groups roundly sup-
away from criminality, violence and drugs,
port this idea; in addition, the emic language
providing an inclusive community where
of the groups rejects the term gang, and con-
members can do educational activities and
tinuously draws a parallel with the family: the
training (Brotherton and Barrios, 2004; Can-
groups as second families —an emotional
narella et al., 2007; Scandroglio, 2009; Ro-
refuge where an immediate sense of solida-
maní et al., 2009).
rity is manifested; the members as brothers
who help and support each other, and the
leaders as parents who guide and discipline
Social capital and group
empowerment
(Lagomarsino, 2009a).
Nations and coros are spaces for accumu- Here there is a lot of brotherhood, we help
lating and circulating social capital. In other each other and we are committed to none of the
words, they are spaces that provide rela- brothers ever lacking anything…(Antonio, member
tions and opportunities for individuals of Los Menores, 17, Dominican, has lived 11 years
through creating a group that recognizes its in L’Hospitalet).
members, brings them together and repre- Interviewer: You are a little like the leader of the
sents them. According to Putnam’s classic group, right? What does that involve?
definition (2002), the social capital that they It involves responsibility…not to order them
develop would be the exclusive type —bon- round, I have never been a boss who gives or-
ding social capital, based on strong connec- ders…but a person who is there when they need
tions between similar subjects. It is interes- my help…
ting in this regard to remember that one of Interviewer: A reference for them, you could
the most common slogans of this groups is say…
“I live and die with my brothers” (Giliberti, Yeah, almost like a father or an older brother
2011). In any case, the main benefit of par- might be…like when you make a mistake, they will
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 148, October - December 2014, pp. 61-78Luca Giliberti 73
also tell you what you are doing wrong…What do who are dedicated to doing musical
they see in me? A support… and they have made performances and videos in public spaces.
me a leader, a reference …I have tried to create a As their name implies (in Spanish, quita se-
solid group with them, where people who were llos means remove labels), their main con-
lost can come in…(Julián, member of the Kitase- cern is linked to the practice of getting rid of,
llos, 20, Dominican, living in L’Hospitalet 3 years). eliminating the labels of immigrant race they
experience where they live:
The groups provide help and circulate in-
formation regarding work, housing and trai- Kitasellos can mean getting rid of the labels they
ning. In this way, an “us” is constructed place on us, valuing ourselves for who we are and
which develops members’ self-esteem and not accepting the way they think about us…peo-
symbolically and sometimes materially con- ple think that we are delinquents, but it isn’t true,
trasts with the exclusions suffered; in short, and we are getting rid of this label…(Julián, Domi-
these groups incorporate and offer space to nican, 20, in L’Hospitalet for three years).
young people who for one reason or another
are excluded from institutional spheres, such In this regard, the groups can be conside-
as the labour market and education system red forms of agency, understood as the ca-
(Queirolo Palmas, 2012; Giliberti, 2012). In pacity of take action in the creative transfor-
this regard, rather than interpreting these mation of social relations and resistance to
groups as independent variables in analyses subaltern inclusion. Thus, Queirolo Palmas
of school drop out and failure rates, as oc- (2010) sees these young people as protago-
curs in public discourse and even in the so- nists of experiences that:
ciological literature (Portes et al., 2009), this
paper looks at whether or not these groups articulate voice, demanding the right of this gene-
can be thought of as spaces to welcome and ration to live, and exit, constructing secret spaces
integrate individuals who live in exclusion, for for shelter and protection (…) this agency is made
example, because of discriminatory educa- up of elements of resistance and challenge, but
tional practices. also of the reproduction and internalizing of domi-
Thus, these groups end up being symp- nant values, as in the case of hegemonic mascu-
toms of disconnections from the standard linity and gender relationships (Queirolo Palmas,
paths of social insertion. In any case, beyond 2010: 139).
accommodating and responding to symp-
toms of unrest, these groups offer their mem- Indeed, according to this author, analysis
bers the possibility of empowerment and a of these groups as forms of youth agency
voice capable of defending an oppressed must include a reflection on the internaliza-
identity, challenging the dominant culture. In tion of the dominant values among subaltern
this regard, the groups can be considered as classes. We are referring here to conservative
platforms to respond to stigma and try to positions such as opposition to abortion and
manage it (Giliberti, 2013), embodying the divorce; the defence of the hierarchy of the
classic model of symbolic resistance by leader in decision making; the defence of tra-
transforming the stigma into an emblem ditional family roles; different rules for men
(Goffman, 2003; Sayad, 2002; Cerbino and and women, with women being subordinate
Rodríguez, 2009; Porzio, 2012). One of the to men; and the use of violence to resolve
youth groups studied more in depth in this conflicts (Romaní et al., 2009). However, the
project was the Kitasellos, composed of fif- main characteristic of these groups is that
teen adolescents and young men —all Domi- they represent the collective empowerment
nican, between 15 and 20 years of age— of marginalized youth
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 148, October - December 2014, pp. 61-7874 Latin gangs in Spain? Immigrant youth groups, stigma and symptoms
For many of these young people, partici- The label, Latin gang —used and popula-
pation in these groups allows them to enjoy rized by the media in popular discourse on
social and symbolic resources from which new urban dangers— describes the children
they were previously excluded; belonging to of the subaltern immigration of the past ten
nations or coros gives them status, esteem, years through a predominantly criminalizing
respect and recognition in the street environ- discourse (Klein, 1995; Knox, 2000; Klein et
ment. It means moving from invisibility to vi- al., 2006).This concept can be thought of as
sibility, from being no one to someone (Quei- a metonymic signifier of violence, as well as
rolo Palmas, 2009). Indeed, one of the main of new youth groups —Dominicans, Colom-
motivations for joining a group of this type is bians, Ecuadorians, etc.— assigned to the
being able to expand personal resources to category of Latino in a process of ethnoge-
gain access to success and popularity. Car- nesis (Feixa et al., 2006). However, as we
los, in fact, explained to us that the members have seen, these groups include autochtho-
of a group end up being much more attracti- nous members and young immigrants of
ve aesthetically and sexually, probably be- other nationalities, who find things in com-
cause of all that an experience of this type mon in their lower social class status and
provides on the level of the imaginary. marginality and in street culture.
The groups found in Spain today should
Really, when you are part of a nation like the Latin not be considered as imported groups, but
Kings, Ñetas, Black Panthers, all the Latin girls rather as groups arising from the construction
come to you, the Spanish ones too…since I beca- of youth identities in the context of reception,
me a king, I’ve been much more successful with with the Internet and social media playing an
women, they really like this thing with the kings, important role. More than exclusive products
that their boyfriend is respected and all…(Carlos, of the receiving society, these groups —refe-
member of the Latin Kings, 16, born in the Domi- rred to in terms of Balibar’s immigrant race
nican Republic, 11 years in L’Hospitalet) (1988)— should be considered children of a
third space, which includes cultures of origin
Thus, young men enter these groups and destination, as well as global youth cultu-
mainly to have fun, increase their own social res (Feixa, 1998; Hakim, 2014).
capital and to feel part of an inclusive struc- The members of these experiences in
ture of sociability, which respects and pro- youth sociability reject the criminalized label
tects its members based on the rules of the of Latin gang. Instead, they define their social
street. groups using the emic concepts of nation
(Cerbino and Barrios, 2008; Cerbino and Ro-
dríguez, 2010) and coros (Giliberti, 2012 and
Conclusions 2013), which have been explored in depth in
this paper. Both nations and coros can be
I thought that everything has a label…you know, characterized as spaces for accumulating and
when you go to school and they put a label on circulating social capital, that is spaces for the
you? It’s always like that, right? Well, we are trying development of individuals and the construc-
to get rid of, destroy these labels …this label they tion of a group that recognizes and empowers
put on you means that people don’t understand its members (Brotherton and Barrios, 2004;
who you are…removing the label that because Feixa et al., 2006; Cerbino and Barrios, 2008;
you’re Dominican you must be bad…(Julián, Queirolo Palmas, 2009 y 2010).
member of the Kitasellos, 20, Dominican, 3 years These groups are able to represent and
in L’Hospitalet) welcome individuals who experience diffe-
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 148, October - December 2014, pp. 61-78Luca Giliberti 75
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of Nationalism. London: Verso.
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criminal network (trafficking and sale of Botello, Santiago and Moya, Ángel (2006). Reyes
drugs, money laundering, arms sales, prosti- Latinos: los códigos secretos de los Latin Kings
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committed. In this regard, more than a pro- peto. Vendiendo crack en Harlem. Buenos Aires:
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This dimension of these groups, as spa- fondita delle ALKQN”. Studi sulla questione
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sed on the type of social capital they deve- — and Barrios, Luis (2004). The Almighty Latin King
lop. Indeed, the strong bonds among and Queen Nation. Street Politics and the Trans-
members can also become obstacles that formation of a New York City Gang. New York:
impede access from and toward the outside. Columbia University Press.
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Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 148, October - December 2014, pp. 61-78También puede leer
